Spotlight: Kenya's elections: How did women fare?



Hi - I thought this posting was relevant to the question of how women are gaining electoral power in Kenya, even as they bear the brunt of the recent attacks and sexual assaults linked to post-electoral violence. I spoke yesterday to Ann Njogu, who ran for one of these seats, but lost in a race she says was flawed, and therefore must be redone. It is unlikely this will happen, but she says she learned important things from the effort to become an MP. She remains one of Kenya's bright women's voices, a lawyer, human rights advocate and leader who is using her voice to speak out strongly in support of Kenya's Constitution and democratic traditions. Njogu helped draft the Sexual Offences Act, a law she things must now be put to the test in Kenya, and used to help bring justice to the many cases of women and children who have suffered from rapes in the civil conflict, much at the hands of police, say witnesses. -- Anne-christine



From AWID: Kenya's elections: How did women fare?



Friday January 11, 2008



1) Kenya's elections: How did women fare?



On December 27, 2007 Kenya held civic, parliamentary and presidential



elections. In today's Friday File we interview Wangari Kinoti of the



Education Centre for Women in Democracy about how women fared in the



elections.



By Kathambi Kinoti



2) Truth, Justice and Peace: A Personal Reflection



Zawadi Nyongo is the Coordinator of AWID's Where is the Money for Women's



Rights Strategic Initiative. In this piece, she gives her personal



perspective on the post-election crisis currently facing Kenya.



By Zawadi Nyong'o





1) Kenya's elections: How did women fare?



On December 27, 2007 Kenya held civic, parliamentary and presidential



elections. In today's Friday File we interview Wangari Kinoti of the



Education Centre for Women in Democracy about how women fared in the



elections.



By Kathambi Kinoti



AWID: How did women candidates perform in the recently concluded



parliamentary elections?



WANGARI KINOTI: The recent elections produced the highest number of women



legislators in Kenya's history. Fourteen women were elected to Parliament.



The previous Parliament had nine elected women members and therefore there



has been a slight increase in the number of elected representatives. Out



of the fourteen, eight are newcomers to Parliament, and one was previously



a nominated member. Only four retained their seats.



AWID: Kenya's legislature consists of elected members as well as members



nominated by political parties. Is the number of women members of



Parliament (MPs) not likely to rise after the parties nominate some



members?



WK: We are likely to see some women nominated, but perhaps not as many as



the seventy five per cent that we saw in the previous Parliament after the



2002 elections. There are a number of reasons for this. Firstly, in the



pre-2002 struggle for what is referred to as Kenya's 'second liberation' a



number of the strong political players were women. These women were able



to bring significant pressure to bear on the different political parties to



fill their allocated slots for nominated MPs with women. Secondly, there are



several key political players who lost the recently concluded elections in



their constituencies, but whom their parties are likely to nominate into



Parliament. Since most of these are male, and there are limited seats for



nominated MPs, we are likely to see them being selected over women who did



not vie for election. Thirdly, the stakes are much higher now than ever



before and there will be more jostling for seats in the legislature. Women



could lose out in the jostling.



The majority of nominated MPs in the previous Parliament were women, but



this does not mean that there has been a sudden clamour from political



actors for women's representation in Parliament. Indeed, the majority of



the male MPs in the previous Parliament voted against an Affirmative Action



Bill that would have ensured that at least one third of the legislature's



seats were allocated to women. This lack of political commitment to women's



leadership may affect the nomination process.



AWID: To what would you attribute the increase in the number of women



recently elected to Parliament?



WK: Most of the new women MPs have been in politics for some time or have



been prominent public figures in different capacities. Therefore, while



this may be the first time that they are going to sit in Parliament, they



are not actually new to the populace. Most of the newly elected women have



good political connections and have learned how to work within the



political party structures in order to ensure that they are able to stand



for election on their parties' tickets. The majority of them were elected



due to the fact that their political parties were the strongest in their



particular localities. This is especially true of some areas considered



very conservative.



The increase can also be attributed to concerted efforts on the part of



civil society and development partners who have given prominence to the



need for women's participation in leadership. The recent elections were the



most highly contested in the country's history. There were many candidates



and the large number of candidates translates into a large number of women



candidates. In the previous Parliament, there were a number of strong and



prominent women members. It is therefore possible that Kenyans are getting



used to seeing women in positions of leadership and that this influenced



voting choices.



On the other hand despite the increase in the number of women MPs, the



numbers are still dismal; 14 women out of 210 MPs is not impressive.



Societal perceptions have a major role to play; the society as a whole has



not yet acknowledged women's leadership rights or abilities. The lack of



financial resources is another major constraint that works against women.



Another challenge is the lack of critical political connections. Kenyan



women leaders need to learn to work within political party structures to



ensure that they get the initial nominations to run for Parliament as



representatives of their particular political parties. Even if a



candidate's credentials or performance record are good, if she does not



represent a political party that is popular in her area, her chances of



success are compromised. Considering the importance of the party, women



need to ensure that they are entrenched within their parties, and that



their parties' rules stipulate that there be a certain minimum number of



women candidates vying for parliamentary seats.



It is important to note that even where women have not been elected or



nominated, there are opportunities for them to be appointed or elected to



other public offices, which is still a gain. Already we have seen one woman



contest the position of Speaker of Parliament which is significant for



women.



AWID: In the run-up to the elections there were several cases of violence



against female candidates for political office. Why was there an upsurge in



this form of violence?



WK: There was indeed an unprecedented upsurge in violence against women



aspirants. Several were attacked and subjected to brutal beatings, while



others received threats of physical and sexual violence. One candidate is



reported to have been shot dead. Investigations are not complete as to the



motives behind the killing, and we are therefore not able to say for sure



that this was a case of gender based violence. Nevertheless, the violence



against women candidates was unprecedented.



Kenya's political culture can be violent. Kenyans are passionate about



politics and sometimes that passion expresses itself in violence. The



situation is compounded for women; on the one hand there is the political



culture and on the other hand there are patriarchal views that women should



not occupy public office. These two elements combine and translate into



violent opposition to women's leadership. There is also the factor that



women have become a real threat to reckon with and therefore all means of



intimidation are used against them. The violence could also be a backlash



against women's gains particularly since the previous Parliament had a



number of strong women who pushed the women's rights agenda, for instance



legislation against sexual violence.



AWID: How did your organization respond to the increased cases of violence



against women political aspirants?



WK: With the support of UNIFEM, the Education Centre for Women in Democracy



set up a Gender Violence Rapid Response Unit to provide assistance to women



aspirants who were the targets of attacks based on their candidature.



Initially we had planned to establish a desk to record and follow up cases



of violence against women candidates, but the magnitude of the problem



necessitated the establishment of a whole unit. The Unit established a



hotline and other avenues to enable women candidates to report cases of



violence, and we followed up these cases with the police and the political



parties. A major challenge that we encountered is the lack of sensitivity



from the police in dealing with cases of gender based violence.



AWID: The outcome of the presidential elections was contested, and violent



opposition to the results announced erupted. How has this violence affected



women?



WK: In the post-election period, there has been death, physical injury,



sexual violence, displacement, as well as loss or destruction of property.



Women have borne the brunt of all these. There has been an increase in the



number of sexual violence cases reported, and presumably the bulk of cases



have gone unreported. A large number of women have been displaced and are



now refugees in their own country, seeking refuge in churches and police



stations. This has sparked off a humanitarian crisis and many are in need



of food, clothing, medicines and other basic supplies.



Women, like the rest of the community have responded by contributing to



humanitarian needs by gathering relief supplies for people affected by the



violence. It is not enough for us to respond to the immediate humanitarian



needs. Therefore we have also sought to be part of the mediation process to



ensure that there is peace and justice for all. We have reminded the



political leaders of their obligations under the African Union Solemn



Declaration on Gender Equality and United Nations Security Council



Resolution 1325. We are committed to ensure women's contribution to the



peaceful resolution of the crisis.





2) Truth, Justice and Peace: A Personal Reflection



Zawadi Nyongo is the Coordinator of AWID's Where is the Money for Women's



Rights Strategic Initiative. In this piece, she gives her personal



perspective on the post-election crisis currently facing Kenya.



By Zawadi Nyong'o



If I hear one more cry for peace in Kenya, I think I will lose my mind.



How can we possibly have peace without truth and justice? This is what



hundreds of thousands of people are rebelling against right now – the



severe injustice and sheer robbery that we witnessed with Chairman Kivuitu,



of the Electoral Commission of Kenya shamelessly announced Mr. Kibaki as the



president elect on December 30th, 2007. Millions of Kenyans sat dumbfounded



as they watched the events unfold before their very eyes. All attempts had



been made to present credible evidence to the ECK of the blatant rigging



and "cooking" of results as the numbers that were reported by returning



officers and party agents at the constituency level were totally different



from those that were announced by the ECK at national level. Now we hear



Kibaki saying that the elections were "Free and Fair" and that the



competition was really tight. How is it then that ODM managed to get the



majority seats in parliament with 102 seats compared to PNU's 36 seats?



After standing in line for over 6 hours, why would someone vote for their



presidential candidate and not their member of parliament? Or worse still,



why would someone vote for an ODM MP, but then proceed to vote for a PNU



presidential candidate? And even worse, how is it possible to have more



than 110% voter turnout in several polling stations – most of which were in



Central province? That this election was flawed and that the results were



rigged is blatantly evident and has been declared so by a number of



stakeholders, including Civil Society groups, the Law Society of Kenya, and



even a number of ECK Commissioners who have refused to remain silent about



what was going on behind the scenes.



The only way forward right now is for Kibaki to step down, for a



transitional arrangement to be made, and for the elections to be conducted



again within the next 3 months. Unfortunately, so much damage has already



been done and the tensions remain high as thousands of Kenyans are being



killed, dying from starvation, evicted from their homes and living in



displaced people's camps, being raped and forcefully circumcised, and being



shot by the military and police who have been given "shoot to kill orders"



in places like Nyanza province. The worst thing is we don't even know just



how many people have died as bodies are being secretly burnt and hidden,



hundreds are dying unregistered, and the media is being controlled. At the



same time, the international media is irresponsibly reporting the situation



as an ethnic rivalry between the Luo and Kikuyu. There are over 40 tribes



in Kenya and the violence has been witnessed in every province except



Central province which is mostly inhabited by the Kikuyu, Meru and Embu.



Yes, Raila is a Luo, but he got overwhelming support from all but Central



Province, unlike Kibaki that only had majority support from Central



Province. When people stood in line to vote it was because they believed



they had the right to choose their rightful leader. This basic right has



been stolen from us as Kenyans and the millions who live in poverty are now



saying, "Enough is enough!" This is why there is total mayhem in the



country right now. These people have nothing more to loose and they are



desperate for change. The middle and upper class, can however afford to



cry for peace and a return to normalcy, because their "normal" lives are



lives that they are able to enjoy.



As I write this, I have immediate family members that are stuck in the



village, unable to travel to Nairobi because the highways are being blocked



by militant youth. I have extended family members that are stuck in



Mathare slum with no access to food. I have a brother in the air force



that is deployed to different parts of the country every day to fight a



battle that he does not believe in. And most importantly, I have a father



that is the secretary general of ODM, who is going to fight this battle to



the very end, even if it means giving up his life for it. All my life I



have watched as he's sacrificed everything to fight for democracy,



constitutional reform, poverty alleviation, equity and justice. I remember



the times when he was in detention and we were not sure he would come home.



I remember the years when he was in political exile and my mother had to



raise us on her own. I remember hating him because I didn't understand why



the country's issues were more important than our time together as a family,



important school events, or even my own selfish desires to spend time with



him. All of this changed when I realized one day that his struggle for the



country was a struggle for every individual Kenyan, including me, my



children and their children. This is a personal struggle – something that



I am thinking about every second that I am awake. The only way this



country can move forward is if justice is restored. In the meantime, we



are doing everything we can to deal with the current crisis – collecting



truck loads of donations for displaced families, speaking out against what



is happening, attending overnight vigils to pray for our energies and those



of our leaders to be sustained, and demonstrating peacefully. I just pray



that the world does not sit back and watch while another crisis similar to



Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia or Sudan



happens in yet another African country – my country, my people, my family.



Just yesterday my mother forwarded this message to me:



'Peace is normally a great good and normally it coincides with



righteousness, BUT IT'S RIGHTEOUSNESS and NOT peace which should bind the



conscience of a nation as it should bind the conscience of an individual.



When we shout peace but condone dishonesty, theft, lack of INTEGRITY, lack



of TRUST, TRUTH & RIGHTEOUSNESS in the nation's rulers THEN OUR NATION WILL



DIE! A cry for peace alone is to divert from & gloss over the real problem.



It is like the armed bank robber shouting to the police, "Don't shoot



because we need peace."'



I'm not even sure whether I'm coming or going half the time, and every day



I wake up with a heavier heart, but I also know that this is not the time



to give up hope. I must contribute whatever I can to the struggle and this



means being here with my family and my people. Please pray for Kenya in any



way you can. We need your support.



Truth, Justice & Peace in 2008.



Zawadi Nyong'o



To read the joint civil society statement from the group "Kenyans for



Peace, Truth, Justice," and also support fundraising efforts by Urgent



Action Fund-Africa and the Gender Violence Recovery Centre that has set up



rape crisis response centres in a number of slums and IDP camps, see



Shailja Patel's blog at



http://www.shailja.com/news/newsletterblog/index.html.



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